Post by design logosThey killed it with the phony COVID "virus" and restrictive policies
that destroyed 75-year-old businesses and devastated the restaurant
industry.
COVID did a great job of killing off pesky rightists all over the USA but
especially in Trump supporting states.
Rightists cheat because they know dead rightists can't legally vote, but do
anyway.
Cumulative death rates in red states 30% higher
For red and blue America, a glaring divide in COVID-19 death rates persists
2 years later
Post-vaccine, death rates in red states were 38% higher than in blue
states.
ByArielle Mitropoulos
March 28, 2022, 6:32 AM
1:03
White House press secretary has COVID
Celebrating graduates in New York, left, and honoring the dead in Florida.
AP, FILES
Political polarization in the U.S. was evident and intensifying long before
the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, two years ago.
Americans were already deeply divided about a multitude of issues, with
differing opinions concerning healthcare, immigration, voting rights, gun
reform and climate change, often leaving little room for collaboration
across the aisle.
Polling shows that the emergence of the novel coronavirus in 2020
exacerbated the rift, pushing Americans further apart on key pandemic
response efforts.
Surveys from Pew Research Center, last year, found that in the early months
of the pandemic, about 6 in 10 Democrats and Democratic-leaning
independents believed the virus was a major threat to the health of the
U.S. population, compared to only a third of Republicans and GOP-leaning
independents. That 26-point gap would ultimately grow to approximately 40
points by the fall, researchers found.
MORE: Fears of COVID-19 resurgence in the US grow as officials warn of
potential upticks
Over the last two years, few issues have been more divisive than the
pandemic and related policies from the raging debate over mask use, to
the ongoing push to get Americans vaccinated.
Among all factors in the prevention of severe COVID-19 and death,
vaccination has been key, experts say.
Unvaccinated Americans are several times more likely to be hospitalized and
die and those living in rural areas, as well as conservatives and
Republicans, were among the most hesitant to be vaccinated, according to a
September 2021 ABC News/Washington Post poll. For unvaccinated Americans,
the decision to not wear a mask or follow other restrictions, ultimately
caused increased transmission, which in turn, resulted in more severe
outcomes, experts suggest.
The end result is a gulf in COVID-19 death rates between red and blue
states, one that is particularly amplified when examining the most and
least vaccinated states.
In the United States, COVID-19 has become a political issue, and people's
political beliefs strongly influence their behavior, David Dowdy, an
infectious disease epidemiologist at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of
Public Health, told ABC News. Political divides in our thinking about
COVID are much stronger than in many other countries.
Though politicization of the virus likely played a significant role in the
differing death rates, due to varying approaches to restrictions and
vaccination efforts, experts say, a myriad of other issues also
contributed, including access to adequate healthcare, and the
disproportionate impact of the virus on communities of color.
Vaccination rates and receptivity to mitigation measures have also been
influenced by factors including misinformation.
Cumulative death rates in red states 30% higher
It has been nearly a year since the COVID-19 vaccines became available to
every American adult last April, after initially being offered to health
workers and older populations, when supplies were still limited.
However, vaccination rates differ markedly between states that voted for
former President Donald Trump, compared to those that voted for President
Joe Biden, paralleling the partisan lines that have divided the country.
Data sourced from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shows that
the 10 states with the highest vaccination rates all voted for Biden in
2020, while nine of the 10 states with the lowest vaccination rates voted
for Trump. The lone exception was Georgia, which narrowly went for Biden by
less than a quarter of a percentage point.
MORE: Return to pre-pandemic normalcy not yet on the horizon for many
immunocompromised Americans
Further, cumulative death data from the C.D.C., from over the last 10
months, illustrates the implications of political polarization of the
COVID-19 vaccines.
An ABC News analysis of federal data found that on average, the death rates
in states that voted for Trump were more than 38% higher than in states
that voted for Biden, post widespread vaccine availability.
In addition, in the 10 states with the lowest percentage of full
vaccinations, death rates were almost twice as high as that of states with
the highest vaccination rates, the analysis found.
Over the span of the last 10 months, in the 10 states with the lowest
vaccination rates, where between 50 and 54.5% of the total population had
been fully vaccinated, there was an average of 153 COVID-19-related deaths
per 100,000 residents.
In contrast, during the same time period, the 10 states and jurisdictions
with the highest vaccination rates, which all voted for Biden, there was an
average of about 82.2 related deaths per 100,000 residents. In all 10
states, about 75% of residents had been fully vaccinated.
Death Rates Per Capita by State/Territory
Death Rates Per Capita by State/Territory Post-Vaccine Availability Vs.
Percent of Total Population Fully Immunized
ABC News / CDC
Vaccination and mitigation 'have become heavily partisan'
There are a few reasons why were seeing such differences in death and
vaccination rates. The obvious one is that both vaccinations and other
forms of COVID-19 mitigation have become heavily partisan, Seth Masket, a
professor of political science and director of the Center on American
Politics at the University of Denver, told ABC News.
According to experts, political polarization has led to different responses
and attitudes with respect to the pandemic.
While in the early months of the pandemic, many Democratic governors
strongly promoted stay-at-home orders, masking initiatives and other
mitigation measures, Trump, and some Republican governors, sought to
deemphasize the seriousness of the threat of the virus, prioritizing
instead the economy and the value of independence, Dowdy argued.
"It's going to disappear. One day -- it's like a miracle -- it will
disappear," Trump said in late February 2020. "The coronavirus is very much
under control in the USA."
Trump later admitted to veteran journalist Bob Woodward that he had indeed
tried to downplay the severity of the virus because he did not want to
create panic.
From early in the pandemic, following the rhetoric of then-President
Trump, Republicans have consistently not been as concerned about the
dangers of COVID-19, and they have been more skeptical of medical advice
about preventing its spread, ??Masket said. Democratic leaders have
consistently expressed more concern about the disease and Democratic voters
have largely followed suit.
Last fall, an ABC News/Washington Post poll found that the increase in
infections caused by the delta variant surge resulted in a jump in
perceived risk of catching the virus, from 29% in late June to 47% in
September. However, only 39% expressed worries about the consequences of
infection.
Political partisanship influenced pandemic-related health decisions,
beliefs and behavior, including one's attitude towards public health
measures like masking became a signifier of political and cultural
identity, Adrian Bardon, a professor of philosophy at Wake Forest
University explained.
While most states imposed restrictions on gatherings and businesses,
issuing stay-at-home orders and masking mandates, in an effort to curb the
spread of infections, a number of states moved to ease restrictions and
masking requirements soon after the first wave abated in 2020.
Eleven states all of which are led by Republican governors never issued
a statewide masking mandate.
These restrictions, along with the masks and vaccine mandates, had made a
significant difference in protecting people from infections, Peter
Jacobson, professor emeritus of health law and policy at the University of
Michigan School of Public Health, told ABC News.
In easing these restrictions earlier, more people were going to be
exposed, Jacobson said. The blue states took this entire outbreak more
seriously
You can't underestimate the messages that were being sent to the
public.
Tens of millions of Americans remain unvaccinated
A November 2021 study published in the National Institute of Medicines
National Library of Medicine, found that politicization has undoubtedly
contributed to hesitancy toward uptake of the COVID-19 vaccine.
The red and blue gap in COVID-19 vaccination totals was preceded and
predicted by a red and blue gap in belief in the seriousness of the
incipient pandemic, Bardon said.
Since the introduction of the vaccine drive, over 250 million Americans
have received a shot representing about 76.8% of the total population,
according to federal data. However, despite concerted efforts to convince
those most hesitant, 57 million eligible Americans over the age of five
remain completely unvaccinated.
MORE: Cornell University reports indications of 'substantial prevalence' of
COVID-19 on campus
Despite the fact that the former President Trump created Operation Warp
Speed, which developed COVID-19 vaccines at a record pace, and endorsed the
use of the vaccine, alongside Republican allies like Florida Gov. Ron
DeSantis, a large swath of Americans have still refused the shots.
The irony of course, is that the Trump administration was responsible for
fighting for this pandemic funding, in fast-tracking the vaccine process
that has really saved a lot of lives, Jacobson said.
However, while Trump and some of his allies have encouraged vaccination,
many still decried mandates.
According to polling from KFF, as of February 2022, just 56% of Republicans
are vaccinated, as compared to 70% of Independents, and 92% of Democrats.
In addition, a third of Republicans reported that they definitely would not
get vaccinated.
White plastic tombstone-shaped pieces are displayed as part of a temporary
memorial to some of Miami's vi...
Lynne Sladky/AP, FILE
Experts have stressed repeatedly that the global and domestic vaccination
drive ultimately saved the lives of millions of people.
In the absence of a vaccination program, an analysis from the Commonwealth
Fund found that there would have been approximately 1.1 million additional
COVID-19 deaths and more than 10.3 million additional COVID-19
hospitalizations in the U.S. by November 2021.
Federal data also shows that in January, unvaccinated adults were nine
times more likely to die of COVID-19, compared to vaccinated individuals,
and six times more likely to require hospitalization.
Additionally, unvaccinated adults were about 21 times more likely to die of
COVID-19 in January, and 12 times more likely to require hospitalization,
compared to fully vaccinated and boosted adults.
Access and disparities also a persistent issue
Experts stress the importance of other factors at play, besides politics,
to also explain the higher COVID-19 death toll in red states as compared to
blue states.
Democrats and Republicans tend to live in different kinds of areas.
Republicans are more likely to live in more sparsely populated areas, where
diseases may not spread as easily, but health facilities also tend to be
farther away, Masket said.
Lack of access to transportation, proper to pharmacies, all have major
consequences for public health, Jacobson added.
All relevant problems begin with access: access to treatment, access to
pharmaceuticals. These issues were exacerbated in the pandemic, Jacobson
said. People in some communities don't even have transportation to
[healthcare] facilities.
Francisco Arechiga gets a COVID-19 vaccination from EMT Brandon Jaramillo
at a pop up clinic in Arleta, Cal...
Los Angeles Daily News via Getty Images, FILE
According to ABC News' analysis last summer of pharmacy locations across
the country, there are 150 counties where there is no pharmacy, and nearly
4.8 million people live in a county where there's only one pharmacy for
every 10,000 residents or more.
Based on Census data, there are far fewer pharmacies per person
especially chain pharmacies in rural parts of the country compared to
urban areas.
In addition, the inequities, with respect to access, underscore the racial
gap prevalent throughout the country, in both rural and urban areas, with
more pharmacies in whiter and wealthier neighborhoods per person than in
poorer, predominantly nonwhite neighborhoods.
Persisting disparities throughout the pandemic have also resulted in a
higher likelihood of death from COVID-19 for Black and brown Americans.
According to federal data, adjusted for age and population, the likelihood
of death because of COVID-19, for Black, Asian, Latino and Native American
people is about one to two times higher, compared to White Americans.
MORE: With 4th COVID-19 vaccine doses looming, experts say not so fast
Although some minority communities initially lagged behind in the nations
vaccination efforts, the rates of Black and Brown Americans have
significantly caught up proportionally to their respective populations.
However, Black and brown Americans are still behind in the national booster
drive, with only 40.3% of eligible Hispanic/Latino Americans boosted, and
43.6% of eligible Black Americans boosted.
Comparatively, about 54.4% of White Americans have received their booster,
while Asian Americans lead every race/ethnicity group, with 60% of the
eligible population boosted.
Misinformation and distrust of science and government exacerbated by the
pandemic
The pandemic has exacerbated an already deteriorating public trust in the
scientific community, experts say.
Science has unfortunately, always been politicized in the United States,
Dowdy said. Many view scientists as being alarmist rather than rational.
When scientists in the U.S. push for things like COVID-19 vaccination, this
has also become a political rather than objective statement.
In addition, confusion over inconsistent and shifting messages from the
federal government further eroded trust in the management of the pandemic
by health agencies, intensifying the divide.
Its concerning that the pandemic seemed to deepen the pre-existing gaps
in confidence between Republicans and Democrats in our national health
agencies, said Thomas Wood, assistant professor of political science at
The Ohio State University.
The C.D.C. has repeatedly defended itself against accusations of flip-
flopping, as they updated their public health guidelines, throughout the
pandemic.
The reality has been that the science behind COVID-19 is not black and
white, but more often, gray, C.D.C. Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky told CBS
News' "60 Minutes," earlier this month.
Since my getting here what I said is, 'we're gonna lead with the
science.' The implication was that science was black and white, and in
fact, in an ever-evolving virus, and a two-year-long pandemic, the science
isn't always black and white. It's it's oftentimes shades of gray,
Walensky said.
MORE: US flying blind to potential COVID-19 resurgence, experts say, as
states scale back on testing, data reporting
Further, the barrage of misinformation, particularly in the first few
months of the pandemic, and of denialism, added Jacobson, played a big role
in abetting this lack of trust in science, as well as in government, in
public institutions, and ultimately costs lives.
A clear problem was peoples unwillingness to take precautions the
feeling that COVID-19 doesnt exist, Jacobson said.
A key question for officials to address will be how to repair the damage
that has been done to public health, to the sciences, given the
politicization of the pandemic, Jacobson explained.
The long-term implications for public health are, if not dire, certainly
troublesome, he added.
We are not going to be prepared for [the next pandemic], because the
public isnt prepared, Jacobson concluded.